Homeless World Cup in DC this Weekend

A deep breath after a busy few weeks. Home in DC to go the wedding of a close friend. She is the first of any of my friends from high school or college to get hitched. Weird.

If you are in DC this weekend, check out the Homeless World Cup action. My great friends Jeremy and Pat are very involved in the 'sports for social change' movement in Uganda, and have organized the Ugandan delegation for the past few years, bringing young leaders from Gulu and Pader to Capetown and then Copenhagen.

From Friday, June 27 – Sunday, June 29, the Homeless USA Cup, a program of Street Soccer USA, will take place in Washington, D.C. at the Old Convention Center site at H and 11th Street, NW. More than 100 players representing 11 cities from across the United States will play for a chance to win the Homeless USA Cup, and the opportunity to be selected to the US National Team that will represent the United States at the Homeless World Cup in Melbourne, Australia in December. Admission to the event is free and open to the public.

Mapping Africa's Humanitarian Situation

“Sometimes there is just nothing more you can do than report what you see.” This was Erik Hersman’s impetus behind creating a tool called Ushahidi, which allows people in Kenya to report acts of violence via mobile phones and theinternet, and have them appear automatically on an online map for others to see.

Ushahidi is a mashup, a blending of two Internet applications to relay information in a visually compelling way. Over the past few months, experimental mashups, particularly those centered on Google Maps, have emerged in an attempt gain a better understanding of humanitarian emergencies and democratic processes.

While Ushahidi is unique in allowing witnesses to report incidents of violence via mobile phone with picture or video, there are three other particularly interesting Africa-centric smashup experiments, each with a slightly different set of functions. This first is Darfur Museum Mapping Initiative|Crisis in Darfur, which is a collaboration of Google Earth and the U.S. Holocaust Museum. This platform allows the user to view professionally collected photos, video and written testimony from Darfur, as well as view images of destroyed villages and IDP camps.

Also, the Zimbabwe Civic Action Support Group recently developed the Mapping Electoral Conditions in Zimbabwe project, a map-based collection of reports of everything from voter fraud to looting to vote buying. Understanding that a crackdown from the authorities is more likely in Zimbabwe’s tightly regulated news space, this site is designed as a secondary news source, reporting only reports published by others. Finally, my friends and colleagues at Northwestern University’s Center for Global Engagement launched Assetmap.org/Uganda, which is an effort to map “ongoing community-led philanthropic partnerships in northern Uganda.”

There seems to two be two particularly compelling reasons that mashups are effective. First, reporting an act of violence or voter fraud is an act of participation in a chaotic environment. It’s a way to be a witness, and urge the world to do the same. Daudi of MentalAcrobatics writes:
“We as Kenyans are guilty of having short-term memories. Yesterday’s villains are today’s heroes. We sweep bad news and difficult decision under the carpet; we do not confront the issues in our society and get shocked when the country erupts as it did two months ago.”

Secondly, an interactive map is a remarkably effective way to tell a story. Tragic violence in Kenya’s Rift Valley or Sudan’s Darfur calls for empathy and action, but it is difficult to feel a connection with a place you can’t imagine. C.J Menard’s famous map of Napoleon’s march to Moscow is often hailed as the best statistical graphic ever made, because it powerfully represents the decimation of 470,000 troops in the frigid Russian winter of 1812. Mashups like Ushahidi and This is Zimbabwe do not claim to be statistically complete representations, but like Menard’s drawing they aim to pull the reader into a visually acute experience.

Tools like Ushahidi are created in order to compellingly present crimes that should not be allowed to face impunity. The obvious criticism, perhaps most acutely felt by those who make these tools, is that they do not actually do anything to help prevent crimes or save lives.

However, many are working to change this. Patrick Meier, a PhD candidate at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a Doctoral Research Fellow at the Harvard Humanitarian Institute (HHI) is attempting to apply the lessons of digital activism to humanitarian early warning systems. Meier is developing a tool called the Humanitarian Sensor Web, which allows community leaders and service providers like the World Food Program to coordinate their efforts in emergency humanitarian situations. Further, the Sensor Web aims to serve as a source of collective intelligence, with a map-based database of places and events, which will help those who are responding to current crisis or planning for future security or humanitarian relief.

Needless to say, all of the tools discussed in this article are in their nascent (in web terms ‘beta’) stage, but they are evidence of an exciting new set of tools that can provide a variety of important functions, from demonstrating the need for a humanitarian intervention to actually implementing one.

cross-posted to Harvard's I&D Blog.

GYPA Uganda Immersion

I led Immersions with Global Youth Partnership for Africa for several years. These are great opportunity for university students interested in international development to visit Africa. Check out this upcoming opportunity in Uganda.

More Than A Game! Sports for Social Change Immersion
June 14– 29, 2008
Kampala, Uganda

The More Than A Game! Immersion will bring 15 American and 15 Ugandan university students together in Kampala, Uganda to examine the emerging role of sports in development and social change, and establish a network of young leaders who promote peace, education and healthy living through sports. We anticipate that the friendships established between the young leaders will lead to partnerships and projects that support war-affected communities in Uganda.

This program is more than just an exchange: More Than A Game! serves as a platform for dialogue and open-exchange for youth with leaders in government, civil society, health and international development. The Immersion will also reach out to Uganda’s national sports associations to learn more about their efforts and future plans and direction. The More Than A Game Immersion will provide a first-hand look at Uganda through dialogue, cultural exchange, and direct service.

Students will gain a unique perspective on issues such as economic development, democracy-building, and transitional justice. The program will include opportunities to meet directly with community-based organizations, international non-governmental organizations, and other young leaders in Kampala and northern Uganda.

The Immersion is open to all university students. African Studies, International Affairs, International Development, and College Athletes are encouraged to apply.

Contact Anna Phillips for more information at: anna@gypafrica.org Phone: 858.254.8810

Please download the application here More%20Than%20A%20Game%21%20Final%20Draft.doc

Application Fees and Program Payments can be made at the following link on the GYPA website: http://gypafrica.org/donate.php

Countering Terrorism in Africa Through Human Security

Last March, I pointed out a Foreign Affairs article by John Prendergast entitled Blowing the Horn. John argues that America's myopic focus on terrorism in the Horn of Africa is actually hurting our security interests. By not addressing the chronic insecurity that plagues the 16 million people in the 8 countries in the broader Horn region, America is actually accelerating the potential for terrorism and instability in the long run.

Since I read the article, I've considered it a strong paradigm for changing our approach to Africa. Today, the Fletcher School announced that it will be holding a conference entitled Countering Terrorism in Africa Through Human Security Solutions, held on February 28th and 29th. The conference will "explore the mutual concerns of development, human rights, and security professionals working in a region that, due to poverty, civil violence, and mismanaged security interventions, may be susceptible to: influence and activity carried out by global terrorist networks such as al Qaeda and affiliated movements (AQAM); radicalization and the formation of independent violent terrorist cells; and the use of violent, civilian-focused terrorist tactics."

Conferences like these go a long way towards breaking down the silos between the human and more traditional security communities.

January 2008 in Sierra Leone

I've led 6 GYPA trips to Uganda and most recently to Cameroon. I won't be able to join this trip, but my super competent colleagues will do a marvelous job. If you are an undergraduate (or graduate) interested in learning about post-conflict development from first hand experience, you should consider this trip. I know of no better opportunity to connect with decision makers and stakeholders. Can you think of something better to do with winter break?

Upcoming student trip to Sierra Leone!
January 1-16, 2008

In January 2008, Global Youth Partnership for Africa will be sending 15 American youth to Sierra Leone for GYPA's second annual Youth Summit: "The Role of Youth in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone."

Sierra Leone today stands at a crossroads. Its brutal decade-long civil war ended just five years ago, and its effects are still visible in every corner of the country. However, Sierra Leone is also witnessing a growing tide of democratization, economic growth, and a great deal of overdue international attention and support. Now is a critical time to examine the many questions that remain regarding post-conflict reconstruction, particularly, the role youth can play in solving them.

GYPA's program will give participants a unique opportunity to explore first-hand the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation processes at work in Sierra Leone. The purpose of the Summit is to engage and promote youth from the United States and Africa as leaders in the efforts to rebuild this war-torn country. Our goal is to expand international youth networks, encourage greater understanding about Africa, and inspire an ongoing dialogue and partnership between promising American and African youth. Participants will tour the country participating in discussions regarding conflict resolution, economic development, HIV/AIDS, transitional justice, democracy building, and gender issues, among others. Students with backgrounds or interests in any of the above fields are encouraged to apply!

Applications are due no later than November 1st. Please click on the links provided below to obtain the official program description and an application. Feel free to contact Lana Kovnot (lana@gypafrica.org ) with any further questions.

Of Spring Time and Hip Hop in Kampala

Thank you for enduring last week's pause, where I suspended all blogging in honor of the first hesitant, then rapturous, emergence of spring, the Bacchic delight of the first warm Saturday evening and a Sunday afternoon spent playing home run derby on the local softball field followed a more spectacular derby as the Red Sox swept the Yankees in front of an elated crowd at Fenway Park. Back to the action.

For those of you in Kampala, there is an upcoming event that is not to be missed. If community development is about taking responsibility, then Abramz is one of the most prolific young organizers in Uganda. I'll never forget the performance of Abramz and his crew that I saw at Makerere University Business School in January. Through his hip-hop classes in northern Uganda and throughout the country, he can inspire in situations others deem without hope.



BREAKDANCE PROJECT UGANDA presents "HOPHOP FOR A CAUSE" on 6th May @ Sharing Youth Centre, Nsambya. The festival aims to show people the positive role that hip hop plays in Ugandan societies plus encouraging all the youth & children to participate in community work. It will feature breakdancers & hiphop artists (youths & disadvantaged children) from Gulu (H.E.A.L.S),Kampala & other areas of Uganda. RAP PERFORMANCES BY: Sylvester & Abramz Lyrical.G Swamp Kamp DE.P.P.I Static, From Belgium And many more.........

VENUE: Sharing Youth Centre, Nsambya
TIME : 2PM -6:30PM
DATE : 6th MAY 2007.

Storm Clouds in Uganda

My last Global Voices piece seems to have brought to light an interesting conversation of how seriously to take Museveni's recent excesses in suppressing opposition activity. On one hand are those who see storm clouds fast approaching on the horizon. James can see Uganda becoming the next Zimbabwe.

On the other end of the spectrum is 27th comrade, who worries little when Presidential storm troopers raid the High Court after opposition candidates have been let off bail. Sadly, this represents the attitude of a large portion of Ugandans, for whom state excess has become commonplace.

Unfortunately, by the standards of the continent, Museveni is a darling. He has not gone the way of Mugabe, bull dozing entire slums and eliminating entire opposition parties. Nor has Museveni gone the way of Ethiopia's Zenawi, who blatantly kills protesters on the street of Addis, spies excessively, and censors the Internet.

However, no nation in East Africa is beyond falling back into despotism, and Museveni's recent excesses should be treated as part of a slippery slope. International pressure, and to the extent that it is possible, domestic pressure, should continue to hold Museveni responsible for the excesses of his regime.

These recent government excesses are certainly not limited to any one area of the country. Sarah Grainger, is an piece of bold reporting for the BBC, corroborates over 200 interviews to report on Friday that government forces killed 66 children in the long forgotten and dangerous Karamojong region in north Eastern Uganda. The frightening thing about storm clouds is that it is difficult to tell how far away they are.

Why Didn’t Ugandan Bloggers Write About the Nation’s Biggest Story?

My latest Global Voices post, published here.

The Ugandan blogosphere was silent on the country’s biggest story over the last few weeks. On March 5th, the Ugandan judges and lawyers went on strike after presidential security agents raided the High Court to re-arrest six treason suspects who had been granted bail. The suspects were accused of representing the People’s Redemption Army (PRA), a shadowy rebel group that opposition candidate Dr. Kizza Besigye has been associated with.

On March 14th, several of the suspects were released after allegedly being beaten, and with the striking judiciary, marched around the High Court to cleanse it of the incident. President Museveni sent a letter to the judiciary and apologized for the incident. Why didn’t the blogosphere comment on this major story? Reasons could range from fear of reprisal from the government to this simply being business as usual for the Museveni regime.

In other news, The Diocese of northern Uganda shares the lesson he learned from noticing an early morning cock fight:

Read More...

What Northern Uganda Peace Advocates Rarely Talk About

The United States, with very little effort, could drastically increase the possibility of a permanent resolution of the conflict in northern Uganda. Why Washington hasn't made an effort has been a matter of speculation in policy and development circles since the peace talks began in August 2006.

John Prendergast and Colin Thomas-Jansen, in their recent Foreign Affairs article 'Blowing the Horn,' explain why the answer becomes clear when one considers America's priorities in the greater Horn of Africa, and the interconnectedness of the conflicts in the region. Money quote:

"Stemming the spread of terrorism and extremist ideologies has become such an overwhelming strategic objective for Washington that it has overshadowed U.S. efforts to resolve conflicts and promote good governance; in everything but rhetoric, counterterrorism now consumes U.S. policy in the Greater Horn as totally as anticommunism did a generation ago."

The article argues that the false god of anti-terrorism has led America to take a myopic view of the region that not only increases the places where terrorism thrives, but also does little to resolve the conflicts in 8 countries that leave 16 million people to face chronic insecurity. The article provides concrete policy alternatives that place anti-terrorism within the context of statebuilding and broader security. This is a must read for anyone who wants to imagine how the next American administration could be better in Africa.

Uganda: The Last King of Scotland, Cessation of Hostilities Agreement Expires, and Hummers in Kampala

My latest Global Voices post is here, inspired by seeing Forrest Whitaker in the Academy Awards.

On Sunday Evening at the Kodak Theatre on Hollywood Boulevard in Los Angeles, an emotionally shaken Forrest Whitaker accepted an Academy Award for Best Actor for his role in The Last King of Scotland, a film set in the frightful times of the Ugandan despot Idi Amin.

In February, the grand opening of the film took place in Kampala. The New York Times sent an outside correspondent to cover the event, and wrote in a front page article calling Uganda “one of the safest and most stable countries in Africa.” This week, the Times published this response from Patty in Nairobi:

"In 'A Film Star in Kampala, Conjuring Amin’s Ghost' (front page, Feb. 18), you note that Uganda is now “one of the safest and most stable countries in Africa.” That may be true in southern Uganda, but it is a very different reality for the Acholi people in the marginalized north. In Uganda, only half the population lives in a part of the country where it’s secure enough to film a Hollywood picture. We should not forget the other half."

In Kampala, Moses Odokonyero, a journalist at the independent Uganda Daily Monitor and blogger at sub-Saharan African Roundtable, describes a first hand encounter with Amin’s machinery of torture, as told by an Anglican Archbishop who was condemned for speaking out against the regime. Odokonyero then goes on to draw parallels between the Amin regime and the Museveni’s behavior in suppressing Kizza Besigye, his main opponent in the last presidential election:

Museveni, like Amin, shot his way to power after a five-year guerilla struggle that he and his supporters call a revolution. One of his favorite topics, besides the media, is past leaders whom he baptized “swines” several years ago. But how different is he from the “swines?” Uganda has greatly changed since the Amin days: people don’t disappear as often and crudely from the streets, and there has been an improvement in press freedom and freedom of speech which is commendable. But stories of illegal detentions, people being tortured in the most gruesome of ways, including allegedly tying stones on their testicles, are still heard of, only this time they take place in “safe houses.”

Read More...

Debating Sending Ugandan Troops to Somalia

My friend and colleague, Peter Quaranto, coordinator of Uganda-CAN, responds to my post supporting the decision to send Ugandan troops to help lead a peace keeping force in Somalia:

"I think you're right that a stable Somalia is good for the region, but I disagree with the rest of your analysis. The decision in Kampala to send peacekeepers seems to me less about achieving stability and more about geopolitics, especially US-driven geopolitics. The US is interested less in a stable Somalia and more in a Somalia in which political power is not consolidated by Islamists unfavorable to US interests.

Further, the peacekeeping mission as currently designed has a nearly impossible task and will likely face guerrilla tactics of the Courts who see them as invaders and foot soldiers for US-Ethiopian interests. Unless EU recommendations for an open, transparent political process are incorporated, I think the PKO is likely to fail. Kampala is eager to play a role to solidify its relationship with Ethiopia and the US (and as a growing regional leader), not primarily for the good of Somalia.

Finally, I agree with you that the 'military solution' has failed northern Uganda, but what about the UPDF being deployed to provide security for IDPs to begin to return home? The reason IDPs are remaining in the camps is that they don't trust the GoU to protect them (for good reason given the history). What sort of gesture is it to northerners when Museveni is sending peacekeepers across the continent but seems unwilling to fully commit necessary UPDF needed to secure the north?"

First, I agree with Peter that geopolitical posturing was a major part of the Ugandan decision to send troops to Somalia. In the month leading up to the decision, the Uganda Minister of Foreign Affairs met with Secretary of State Rice in Washington and President Museveni received a call from President Bush. However, a realist foreign policy approach can have several merits. In this case, its clear that an unstable Mogadishu will help continue the steady flow of small arms to the conflict areas in East Africa.

The more frightening theory says the Bush administration looked the other way on northern Uganda in order to give incentive to the Ugandan Government to help in Somalia. If this is the case (and it is only one theory, the State Department has been mute on this point), I am deeply distressed and disappointed because the Americans could have made a serious impact on the stalled northern Uganda peace talks in Juba.

I disagree with Peter that the peacekeeping mission is designed as a nearly impossible task. A coalition of African nations will surely be met with more civilian support in Mogadishu compared to the Ethiopians, who are seen as imperialist, Christian crusaders. Yet I do believe that the AU force will fail if it begins with inadequate troop levels. The force, which now has contributions from Uganda, Malawi, Nigeria, Ghana and Burundi, is still only at half its UN-mandated 8,000 troop level. We all know what happens when a counter insurgency force does not have enough troops to keep the peace. One analyst even said it out loud: "We have a Baghdad in Somalia, and it's only the beginning."

Regarding Peter's last point, I continue to argue that the UPDF should be fazed out of the picture in northern Uganda. The relationship between the UPDF and the people of northern Uganda is not going to be fixed over night. In the short term, I believe the emphasis should be on the Uganda Police to fulfill their duty to ensure domestic security in northern Uganda, encouraging the region to return to normal livelihood. At this point, an increased UPDF presence will decrease, not increase, the prospects for peace.

Note: This week Peter moderated a Washington Post Global Blog on Achieving Peace in Uganda. Debates like this are crucial because none of the NGO reports or books out there really address the situation as it has developed in the last six months. Good work, Peter.

Why I Support Sending Ugandan Troops to Somalia

Last week, the Ugandan Parliament approved President Museveni's request to send 1,500 Ugandan troops to Somalia for peacekeeping, food aid distribution and supporting the transitional government. There are several reasons why this was in the best interest of Uganda and the region, and why those who oppose the troop move are misguided.

First, its important to recognize how unfortunate it is that the interest of most Somali people is different from the majority of the international community. The Islamic Courts Union (ICU) managed to stabilize Mogadishu for the first time in well over a decade. While their rule was harsh and final, they took the first difficult steps of curbing lawlessness that most the Ethiopian-installed warlords have been unable to do. Unfortunately, the moderate elements of the ICU made a strategic error in not distancing themselves from the Islamic extremists, making the entire international community (sans countries like Iran, Saudi Araba, Yemen and Libya) nervous about turning Somalia into a vast terrorist training camp. Thus, the American backed Ethiopian invasion.

First and foremost, it is important to recognize that all of East Africa benefits from a stable Somalia. It is commonly assumed that most of the weapons for some of the world's worst conflicts, including southern Sudan, northern Uganda and eastern DRC come from the Somali ports of Ogaden and Kismayo. A governable Somalia, as difficult as that is to achieve, would help manage these regional conflicts. This rings especially true in Uganda this week as fighting continues in the Karamojong region, a perfect example of how rampant small arms proliferation can devastate a region.

Second, it is good policy for African countries with (relatively) good governance to help stabalize African countries with poor rule of law. The African Union (AU) excursion in Somalia will give the organization an opportunity to recover from its inept misadventure in Sudan. Uganda's move would also sync with new and interesting proposals for global governance, such as Frank Fukuyama's Concert of Democracies, where countries with good reputations work together on international intervention.

The common rejoinder heard in Kampala about Uganda's intervention in Somalia is that Uganda needs to first keep their own house in order. The talks in Juba are stalled, people in northern Uganda are getting nervous about scattered LRA attacks, and Karamojong continues to be on fire. This is a legitimate concern. However, looking at the last 25 years of Ugandan history doesn't support the notion that increased military intervention is an effective means of ending conflict. Many people I've talked to in northern Uganda say that the UPDF (Uganda People's Defence Forces) are more of a daily threat and fear than the sporadic LRA attacks. As difficult as it is, continuing to focus on reconciliation and negotiation between the LRA and the Government will be more effective than an increased troop presence in northern Uganda.

Sending Ugandan troops to stabilize a neighboring African country is in the best interest of Uganda, the region and the broader international community.

Ugandan Blogosphere: Juba Peace Talks and Best of Blogs

My latest Global Voices post, also available here.

If the activity in January and early February is a sign of things to come, 2007 promises to be a banner year for relevancy, engagement and quality of content in the Ugandan blogosphere.

The Juba Peace Talks between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the Government of Uganda, whose wheels had been humming energetically as recently as October, have ground to a halt, with reports early this week of rebel movement towards the Central African Republic (CAR). However, Uganda-CAN, a leading policy advocacy organization has helped fill the void by creating an 8-part interactive blog series called ‘What’s At Stake in the Juba Peace Talks.’ Two highlights:

On Implementing Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA):

The LRA rebels’ presence in southern Sudan is further weakening the CPA. They continue to destabilize the region, making it more difficult for the GOSS to rebuild institutions and communities. The NCP may also try to maintain its monopoly on political power and access to oil revenues by renewing its support for the LRA in an attempt to destabilize the south and prevent its secession. However, success in the Juba peace talks would help consolidate the gains towards peace and democracy in South Sudan initiated by the CPA over the past two years, which in turn are crucial to the hopes for the stabilization of Darfur.

On Peace in Karamoja:

The proliferation of arms in the region from conflicts in northern Uganda, southern Sudan, and Somalia has also fueled Karamajong cattle raids in the neighboring Iteso and Acholi regions of Uganda, undermining the Juba peace talks by making northern Uganda less secure and safe for IDPs to begin returning home. If the Juba peace talks succeed in bringing stability to northern Uganda despite this, the Ugandan government might be encouraged to seek a peaceful solution to the violence in Karamoja. However, a failure of the parties to the Juba talks to come to an agreement would greatly hamper efforts to address the arms proliferation, political tensions and humanitarian crisis in Karamoja.

In other news, we can see the level of organization, profile and relevancy of Ugandan bloggers rising. The first Uganda Bloggers Happy Hour in Kampala in mid-January was discussed by prominent Amsterdam based podcaster Bicycle Mark as well as the Daily Monitor newspaper in Kampala. Coming up in February, nominations are due for the First Annual Uganda Best of Blog Awards (make nominations here by February 15th), the awards for the cream of the Uganda blogging crop, and the second Uganda Bloggers Happy Hour will take place in Kampala.

In other news, Uganda blogger and provocateur Dennis Matanda is quickly becoming much talked about across the the African blogosphere. In our last Uganda roundup, we talked about his proposal for recolonization of Africa. This post has been muched talked about, including this comment from White African:

Want to become an instant pariah? Talk about race in Africa. How about you continue and blame Africans for Africa’s problems, and how Africa isn’t living up to it’s potential. How about you make things even more explosive and talk about how things would be better if the white man was back in control. Stirring up a huge pot, that no one in their right mind would want to touch, Dennis Matanda has really put himself on the map.

This week, Matanda published 100,000 Guns Later, another provocative article detailing the subtle connection between Uganda’s history of ethnic militirization and today’s proliferation of weapons in the big business private security apparatus:

Uganda has over 100,000 guns floating around. It is roughly estimated that there are over 5,000 guns in private citizen’s hands; another 22,000 in the private security firm’s armories, a colossal 20,000 amongst the Karimojong, another approximately 18,000 with the police force, 50,000 plus divided amongst the regular army – and maybe 5,000 or so scattered amongst the many secret and sub secret security organs.

The point I am trying to make is encased in the fact that a great many Ugandans have lost their jobs and their livelihoods under the Yoweri Museveni years, 1986 to the present. The country has never been as polarized as it is right now. Our future has never been as uncertain as it is today. We are living in a bubble as it could burst any time. Unlike the Obote time in 1985, these over 100,000 guns in the “wrong hands” could do damage to ordinary people like me.

Finally, Ugandan bloggers are continuing to cover issues out of the sight of mainstream media. In Uganda there is much talk about the plight of both urban and rural Internally Displaced Persons (IDP’s). However, I Left Copenhagen for Uganda provides a fascinating piece that addresses the plight of Sudanese refugees displaced in Uganda:

Officially, there is peace now in southern Sudan, and asking any Sudanese refugee if he/she is to return, they answer positively. Asking ‘when that would be more specifically?’, they whirl into abstract explanations, finally concluding ‘that when the repatriation starts, that will be’. Translated into plain English it basically means ‘when there is someone facilitating the transport’. It is very simple, someone else (UNHCR) brought them here, now those ones must also bring them back.

Uganda: Bloggers Gathering, Best of Blogs, Ugandan Mercenaries in Iraq And Recolonization of Africa

My latest Global Voices post, also available here.

As manic as a beat poetry gathering in New York or a circumcision ceremony in eastern Uganda, last Thursday’s Ugandan Blogger Happy Hour was a mirthful gathering of creativity and wit. Poetry was recited, radical political doctrines defended, and blogging obsessions confessed. The first gathering of its kind in Uganda, the event laid the groundwork for the relationships necessary to establish a strong, meaningful and vibrant Ugandan blogging community.The event will take place monthly in Kampala, and there are plans to feature ‘Uganda Best of Blogs’ awards:

At last week’s Uganda Bloggers Happy Hour, I may at one point have been so overcome with spirited enthusiasm that I declared an upcoming blogging competition without real regard to who would organize, sponsor or regulate such a competition.

Jackfruity, who has the guest list and pictures from the gathering, writes:

The topics of conversation at Thursday night’s Inaugural Uganda Bloggers Happy Hour ranged from cell phones to Alice Lakwena to the transvestitical possibilities of Philip Seymour Hoffman. The Jabberwocky was recited, blogging addictions were confessed, heaven was declared to be just like North Korea, and the Ugandan blogosphere gained a fanboy. Also, we unanimously agreed that Inktus is hot.

Northern Uganda and the Horn of Africa

In Uganda, stories about foreign relations with countries from East Africa, the Horn of Africa, the Middle East and America dominate the headlines and the blogs.

As Juba peace talks between the Government and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) continue to stall, the LRA’s colorful and enigmatic spokesman in Nairobi called for the talks to be moved from Sudan to Kenya, citing bias on the part of the Government of Southern Sudan.

While the partners in the talks squabble over location, the people of northern Uganda held their first joyous New Year’s celebration in two decades, celebrating the fact that at least one million displaced persons were able to return home in 2006. However, the first weeks of the new year brought increased fear that the blundering of the peace talks would lead to a return of abductions and violence in the North.

On to the Horn of Africa, where a conversation between President Museveni and President Bush led to the Ugandan announcement that they would take a lead in a peace keeping mission in Somalia, following the routing of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) by the Ethiopians over Christmas. In an African Minute weighs in on whether Uganda is ready to send its troops to foreign lands:

So is it a good idea that Uganda, at the urging of American Secretary of State Condeleeza Rice, recently pledged over 1,000 troops for stabilizing the region?
Well, it depends. Anarchy in Somali ports, a major port of entry for small arms, is one major reason that the Horn and East Africa are so destabilized. Guns from Somali ports feed the most dilapidated war zones in the world: southern Sudan, northern Uganda and eastern DRC. Also, no one in the region benefits from a Somali led by Islamists with extremists leanings, who enjoy basking in the support of Saudi Arabia and Iran instead of promoting a moderate image that assures the international community that they will not turn Somalia into a Al-Qaeda training ground.

Ugandan Mercenaries in Iraq and Re-colonization of Africa

In a lesser-known story, Sub-Saharan African Roundtable discusses why Ugandans are the prefered mercenaries for private security firms in Iraq:

According to various sources, Ugandan servicemen serving private military companies in Iraq have a good reputation. Their command of English offers an advantage over Asian and other competitors for non-combat guarding jobs. However in this billion-dollar industry, Ugandans’ share of the booty is being shared by the lack of malpractices at home- and the need for better regulatory oversight.

Also on Sub-Saharan African Roundtable, a well-written but intensely provocative and perhaps evasively satirical unsigned piece calls for the re-colonization of Africa:

I would like to recommend that instead of wasting our time and wringing our hands in helplessness while the rest of the world slowly but surely gets numb to our pain and leaves us behind even faster, we should let these good white folk come back to actually and effectively run our African countries and affairs. Yes – we know that white people control our budgets behind those curtains of donor aid and NGO’s – but they give momentary power to uninstitutionalized Africans – who can, in less than a heart beat, do more damage to a good and viable project than 1,000 barracudas can do to a ton of succulent lean beef!

Should Uganda Send Troops to Somalia?

It's widely recognized that the Ethiopian Army that invaded Somalia can't stick around for long. While they dominate militarily, they are not very welcome by the Somalis themselves, who regard them as an imperial Christian force backed by American robbing its Muslim neighbor of its sovereignty. So is it a good idea that Uganda, at the urging of American Secretary of State Condeleeza Rice, recently pledged over 1,000 troops for stabilizing the region?

Well, it depends. Anarchy in Somali ports, a major port of entry for small arms, is one major reason that the Horn and East Africa are so destabilized. Guns from Somali ports feed the most dilapidated war zones in the world: southern Sudan, northern Uganda and eastern DRC. Also, no one in the region benefits from a Somali led by Islamists with extremists leanings, who enjoy basking in the support of Saudi Arabia and Iran instead of promoting a moderate image that assures the international community that they will not turn Somalia into a Al-Qaeda training ground.

Opposition to the plan within Uganda cite the fact that President Museveni should ensure that his own house is in order (northern Uganda) before venturing off to foreign lands with the Army. But it is perhaps difficult for Museveni to turn down an easy opportunity to score points with America, especially after he received a personal call from President Bush. But will a Ugandan (also majority Christian) force backed by the US be seen as any more benevolent than a Ethiopian force? It's hard to tell if any peacekeeping force, regardless of whether it is backed by the UN, can be seen as being neutral.

All politics aside, surely Somalis are happy about the ousting of the Islamists because khat, the mild narcotic that dominates afternoons in the Horn of Africa, is no longer banned. As one erstwhile khat supporter stated in a recent East African report: "Mogadishu without khat is like Paris Without Nightclubs."

Kimeeza II Program a Success

Kimeeza II participant Abramz Tekya breaking in Kampala

Like a Jay-Z song bumpin' at Fat Boyz in Kampala, a gathering of individuals can have an energy of its own. I've lead many groups of American and Ugandan youth leaders around Uganda in the last year, but I've never seen energy, excitement and innovation like I have in the last two weeks at the Global Youth Partnership for Africa (GYPA) Kimeeza II (click here for blog entries and photos from the program). This program, on the role of youth in post-conflict northern Uganda, brought together Americans and Ugandans who are looking to learn about and contribute to helping a war-torn region get back on its feet.

Since the group left early on Wednesday morning, I've been thinking about what made this program so phenomenal. The first reason is timing. We had done programs on northern Uganda in the past, but only now, as most people have acknowledged, have we reached a point of 'no return' in terms of expected security in the North. Just as this has opened an opportunity for business expansion in Gulu (there are three new supermarkets in the last month alone), it has also created an opportunity for programs that address what happens in a post-conflict region where 80% of the population in northern Uganda are youth, few of whom have any prospects for productivity or self reliance.

Second, I believe the Kimeeza was a well structured program for its intended audience. Our vision has been to create a program where Americans and Ugandans could connect, network and decide, based on their own personal interests, to what extent they want to get involved in northern Uganda. Sitting and listening to an energized group of students talk about next steps at the closing session gave me the sense that our program had a strong balance of educational and practitioner experiences and opportunities.

Third, the program was a success simply because of the dynamic individuals involved. As a group, we seemed to enjoy each other's company, and when things changed or didn't going according to plan, there was a sense that we were in it together. The Americans seemed to appreciate that many of the Ugandans around them had made a conscious choice to devote their lives to improving their region and country. The dynamics and the learning that went on between the Americans and the Ugandan participants were central to the success of the program. Of course, the caring and dedication of the program staff made all the difference (Thanks all!)

It was a big January for GYPA travel programs. In addition to the success in Uganda, we held our first trip outside Uganda, to Sierra Leone (also on post-conflict development). In the next few months we will publish information on our summer programs to West and East Africa. If you are interested in keeping informed about these opportunities, send an email to carrie ( at ) gypafrica.org and continue to check the GYPA website.

Global Kimeeza II

Cross posted to the Kimeeza II website.

Early Wednesday morning, a group of eager American undergraduates arrive in Kampala for a two week travel conference called the Kimeeza II: The Role of Youth in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda. This is the fourth Global Youth Partnership for Africa (GYPA) trip I've helped lead in the last 12 months and I'm happy to be a part of it. The two week program, in Kampala and Gulu, will bring together American and Ugandan youth interested in a rebuilt and reconciled northern Uganda. These programs are innovative because they are travel/education hybrids; there is the experiential component of seeing a brand new place but also the education/practitioner component of engaging in first hand issues of community building and reconciliation.

I think this particular trip will be fascinating because it is the first GYPA program since the cessation of hostilities in northern Uganda, which means the people of northern Uganda, though inherently skeptical after 20 years of off and on war, have more to hope for and work for then ever before. One of the things I like about these programs is the energy that is created both among Americans who generally have not been involved with Uganda issues in the past, and with the Ugandan youth, many of whom have made advocating for war-effected peoples their life's work. The Ugandans are energized because their work is validated by enthusiastic and optimistic outsiders, and the Americans bring fresh insight and new perspective into difficult community challenges.

As a reminder of how unique a time this is in northern Uganda, here is a New Vision article (not available online) on New Year's celebrations from the North:

"For the first time in 20 years, the Acholi sub-region in northern Uganda ushered in the new year peacefully. In Gulu, there were fireworks at two seperate places and people dance to the morning hours. In Unyama displaces people's camp. 7km from Gulu, a former LRA commander, Onen Kamdulu, staged a thrilling disco performance to excited revellers."

Continue to check the Kimeeza II website for photos, blogs and the occasional podcast.

Three Conferences

I like good conferences. They are a place to push the limits of your own ideas and build with people who are equally excited about the work as you are. Personally, I also like them because its an oppurtunity to fine tune your people instincts: that quick, instinctual read you get on a person when you first meet them. I think the people instinct is a fascinating amalgam of little including level of eye contact, enthusiasm, agressiveness, and style of dress.

Here are three hot conferences related to issues on this blog:

OK, I'm biased. I'm helping to lead the Global Kimeeza II: The Role of Youth in Post-Conflict Northern Uganda. This is a Global Youth Partnership for Africa conference thats bringing together American and Ugandan youth leaders to help imagine a rebuilt and reconciled Uganda. The Kimeeza will be Jan 3-17 in Kampala and Gulu, Uganda. You will be hearing more about the Kimeeza on this blog soon.






If I wasn't busy planning the conference above, I would be at the Global Voices Summit Delhi 'O6. But no worries, the conference will be broadcast live online this Saturday. The guiding question of this conference is: How can we use the Internet to build a more democratic, participatory global discourse? I think Global Voices is one of the most powerful forces for understanding under reported areas of the world.








The TED Global Conference in Arusha, Tanzania this summer is the mac daddy of all Africa conferences. Organized by Emeka Okefor, a leading Afriblogger and entrepreneur, the TED speakers list is simply breathtaking. I'll be watching this one closely.

Buildin' With Your Elders

The old man had a distinct ring of blue around his otherwise dark eyes. This was a feature I had never seen in northern Uganda, a region dominated by deep black skin and dark eyes. I had just been invited into the family compound of Ak Akera, a 91 year old Acholi elder. Akera was extraordinary, not only because the average life expectancy in northern Uganda is 39, but because of his uncommonly exuberant and thoughtful demeanor. His bright eyes and welcoming disposition showed no trace of the burden he carried. His people, for the past twenty years, had faced child abduction, rape and pillaging by the LRA, as well as the daily humiliation of living in cramped and dirty internally displaced persons camps, oblitering both the desire to life as well as cultural identity.

I was in the north putting together a two week program for American undergraduate students on the role of youth in post-conflict northern Uganda. I had heard about Akera through a local politician, and immediately thought he would be perfect for an evening story telling session.

A citizen farmer all his life, Akera had been trained under the British protectorate, become a history teacher, while also working his own farmland, now out of reach because of recent violence. He told me how the British taught the Acholi farming techniques, and showed them how to grow cotton, the great cash crop, as Akera said, that ran the mills in Liverpool. He explained how the people of the neighboring West Nile district, for many of the Protectorate years, were not allowed to farm their own land, because they were used as labor in the sugar factories down country in Jinga. He told tales of gangs of men carrying crops on their back, and the barge that crossed the Nile in Murchison before the Karuma Falls brige was built.

Akera had an extraordinary perspective of history, studying the world in books, and living his own country's story, witnessing every horror and joy of independence, both Obotes, Amin and Museveni. Akera is his people's cultural lynchpin, an anchor to remind them of who they are in stormy times.

The Sahel and Northern Uganda

The Head Heeb has a nice piece updating the interconnectedness of conflicts in Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic.

And a new theater may be opening in southern Sudan, where the Machakos peace may be collapsing before the world's eyes. Since the 2002 peace accord and the installation of a national unity government last year, the south has experienced a tentative recovery and thousands of displaced persons returned to their homes. Three days ago, however, the peace was broken when a clash between government and SPLA troops in the southern town of Malakal escalated into a pitched battle in which hundreds died. The latest reports indicate that calm has returned to the city and high-level delegations are attempting to mediate, but these efforts face uncertain prospects amid the southern ethnic groups' growing discontent over their marginalization. Unless regional conciliation is extended to ethnic groups as well as governments and militias, and unless the international community makes a sustained commitment to peacekeeping and development rather than choosing sides, the Sahel conflict zone may continue to expand.

Of course, the conflict zone has already expanded, playing a role in destabilizing the talks between the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Government of Uganda in Juba, Sudan. The LRA this week suspended the peace talks, claiming the cessation of hostilities agreement had been violated.